Representative Doug LaMalfa’s actions following the 2020 presidential election have contributed to a climate of democratic distrust and administrative instability in Shasta County, California. His continued embrace of unfounded election-fraud claims and refusal to acknowledge contrary evidence helped undermine faith in electoral institutions among his own constituents.
Even after the U.S. Supreme Court dismissed Texas v. Pennsylvania, LaMalfa continued to support efforts to overturn the election results. He was among 147 Republicans who voted against certifying electoral votes from Arizona and Pennsylvania—an action widely criticized as an attempt to subvert the democratic process (Zhou, 2021; Kim, Thevenot, & McClure, 2021).
In Shasta County, this rhetoric translated into real-world disruption. In late 2020, individuals entered the Registrar of Voters’ office without authorization, demanding access to ballots and voting machines—part of a broader pattern of intimidation against election officials (Huseman, 2024). By 2024, election workers were resigning after self-appointed “observers” roamed the elections office, creating an atmosphere of fear and mistrust among staff (Olmos, 2024).
The appointment of Clint Curtis as registrar in 2024 compounded tensions. Curtis, a Florida attorney known for controversial claims about election software, proposed a sweeping overhaul of county election operations, including livestreaming every step of ballot processing. His appointment sparked public protests and contentious board meetings as residents questioned his motives and qualifications (Sosa & LaFever, 2025).
While LaMalfa publicly echoed Trump’s claims of widespread fraud, internal investigations by Trump’s own campaign found no evidence to support them. The campaign hired data analysis firms—including Simpatico Software Systems—to review alleged fraud across multiple states; every claim was found to be baseless (Durkee, 2023). A subsequent Washington Post investigation confirmed that these internal reports were suppressed while public rhetoric continued (Dawsey et al., 2023).
Meanwhile, courts across the country rejected 63 lawsuits challenging the election results—many of which were dismissed by judges appointed by Trump himself (Dawsey et al., 2023). The sheer number and bipartisan composition of those judicial rulings underscored the absence of credible evidence.
Even after these defeats, a “fake electors” scheme emerged. Trump allies convened illegitimate electors in several states to submit falsified certificates claiming Trump had won (Lerner, 2022; Gardner et al., 2022). Legal experts and the U.S. Department of Justice described the plan as an attempt to obstruct certification.
On January 2, 2021, Trump called Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger and demanded he “find 11,780 votes”—an extraordinary request widely viewed as a solicitation to alter election results (Yen, Amy, & Balsamo, 2021; Miller Karalunas & Kinsella, 2023). Fact-checks and official reviews concluded the claims Trump cited were false.
Through all this, LaMalfa never addressed either the fake-electors plot or Trump’s Georgia call. He continued to amplify election-fraud rhetoric, ignoring the overwhelming factual and legal evidence to the contrary.
The national election-denial movement filtered directly into Shasta County’s political culture. Following the 2020 cycle, local election staff endured harassment, and resignations accelerated. When Curtis became registrar, he immediately dismissed longtime deputy Joanna Francescut, a 17-year veteran, triggering protests (Green, 2025).
Curtis’s livestreaming proposal—estimated at $2.6 million—was billed as "transparency" but widely criticized for fueling conspiracy theories and wasting limited county resources (Sosa & LaFever, 2025). Supervisors were forced to debate expensive reforms rather than address pressing county priorities, such as infrastructure and emergency services.
This cascade of resignations, fear, and politicization directly harmed ordinary residents: administrative efficiency declined, community polarization deepened, and voter confidence eroded.
LaMalfa’s refusal to accept certified results, his silence on proven misconduct, and his continued endorsement of discredited claims made him a central contributor to Shasta County’s democratic decay. Instead of defending electoral integrity, he mirrored national disinformation and empowered local extremists who translated it into harassment and destabilization.
By denying fact-based conclusions from his own party’s investigators and courts—and by ignoring schemes and calls that threatened the rule of law—LaMalfa undermined his constituents’ faith in fair governance. The cost is visible in Shasta County’s administrative upheaval, staff attrition, and a persistent sense that truth in elections is optional.

Battaglia, R. (2025, August 14). Shasta County’s new elections official can’t get the money to fulfill his vision. Jefferson Public Radio. https://www.ijpr.org/politics-government/2025-08-14/shasta-countys-new-elections-official-cant-get-the-money-to-fulfill-his-vision
Dawsey, J., et al. (2023, April 27). A second firm hired by Trump campaign found no evidence of election fraud. The Washington Post. https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2023/04/27/trump-false-election-fraud-claims/
Durkee, A. (2023, March 17). Trump campaign reportedly commissioned study showing no widespread election fraud but continued to push claims anyway. Forbes. https://www.forbes.com/sites/alisondurkee/2023/03/17/trump-campaign-reportedly-commissioned-study-showing-no-widespread-election-fraud-but-continued-to-push-claims-anyway/
Gardner, A., et al. (2022, July 27). The fake electors scheme, explained. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2022/07/27/us/politics/fake-electors-explained.html
Green, J. (2025, May 30). “Calm anger”: After 17 years, Shasta elections official suddenly fired. SFGate. https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/shasta-county-elections-official-fired-20353061.php
Huseman, J. (2024, June 25). How election conspiracy theories tore apart this remote Northern California county. CalMatters. https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/06/shasta-county-election-administration/
Kim, S., Thevenot, B., & McClure, J. (Eds.). (2021, February 4). The Republicans who voted to overturn the election. Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/graphics/USA-TRUMP/LAWMAKERS/xegpbedzdvq/
Lerner, K. (2022, February 1). Trump’s fake electors: Here’s the full list. Georgia Recorder. https://georgiarecorder.com/2022/02/01/trumps-fake-electors-heres-the-full-list/
Miller Karalunas, L., & Kinsella, M. (2023, July 27). Fact check: Trump’s Georgia call to Raffensperger. Brennan Center for Justice. https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/fact-check-trumps-georgia-call-raffensperger
Olmos, S. (2024, November 1). Election workers quit in Shasta as self-appointed observers roam office. CalMatters. https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/11/shasta-county-election-workers/
Sosa, A., & LaFever, M. (2025, August 5). A California county turned elections over to a skeptic with a wild plan. SFGate. https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/shasta-county-livestream-elections-20828076.php
Stark, P. B. (2024, July 31). When audits and recounts distract from election integrity: The 2020 U.S. presidential election in Georgia. arXiv. https://arxiv.org/abs/2408.00055
Yen, H., Amy, J., & Balsamo, M. (2021, January 3). Trump’s made-up claims of fake Georgia ballots in phone call. AP News. https://apnews.com/article/ap-fact-check-donald-trump-georgia-elections-atlanta-c23d10e5299e14daee6109885f7dafa9
Zhou, L. (2021, January 7). 147 Republican lawmakers still objected to the election results after the Capitol attack. Vox. https://www.vox.com/2021/1/6/22218058/republicans-objections-election-results
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